President Donald Trump has discussed replacing two more Cabinet members following his dismissal of Attorney General Pam Bondi on Thursday, according to two White House officials who spoke to The Washington Post. Labor Secretary Lori Chavez-DeRemer and Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick are both reportedly on thin ice, each dragging behind them a growing trail of controversy that has little to do with policy and everything to do with conduct.
White House spokesperson David Ingle pushed back on the speculation:
"DNI Gabbard, Secretary Lutnick, and Secretary Chavez-DeRemer are tirelessly implementing the President's agenda and achieving tremendous results for the American people. They continue to have the president's full confidence."
That's the official line. But reporting from both the Post and Politico suggests Trump has not made any final personnel decisions, which is a different thing from saying no decisions are coming.
The Chavez-DeRemer Problem
According to the Daily Mail, the Labor Secretary, a former GOP congresswoman from Oregon, is drowning in allegations that have nothing to do with labor policy. She is facing accusations that she had an affair with her bodyguard, Brian Sloan, and allegedly traveled with him to Las Vegas. Sloan resigned from his position two weeks ago.
That's not where it ends. Chavez-DeRemer has also been accused of drinking in her office, taking her staff to a strip club, and using taxpayer dollars to finance personal trips to her home state. Then there's her husband, Shawn DeRemer, who was banned from the Labor Department's building after he allegedly touched two staffers inappropriately.
Chavez-DeRemer has denied the affair and denied all allegations of impropriety. She says she is cooperating with the Inspector General's investigation. Those are the right words. But when the IG is involved, and your husband has been barred from your own building, the situation has moved well past the point where denials alone carry weight.
Conservatives should be clear-eyed about this. If these allegations bear out, the problem isn't political vulnerability. It's that the person running the Department of Labor turned its headquarters into a soap opera. The agency responsible for workplace standards cannot itself become a case study in workplace dysfunction.
Lutnick and the Loose Cannon Problem
Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick presents a different kind of headache. The 64-year-old former Wall Street executive has frustrated White House aides with what sources describe as a boisterous communication style and a tendency to make loose, off-the-cuff remarks that create cleanup jobs for the rest of the administration.
In April 2025, Lutnick declared that Trump's global tariff policies were "not a negotiation." Hours later, the President himself said something rather different:
"The tariffs give us great power to negotiate. They always have."
When the Commerce Secretary publicly contradicts the President's own framing of his signature economic strategy within the same news cycle, that's not a messaging hiccup. It's a credibility problem. Tariff policy is complex, politically charged, and central to this administration's economic identity. The person running the point on trade cannot be freelancing.
Then there's the Epstein connection. When the Department of Justice released millions of pages of documents from its investigative files on Epstein in late January, Lutnick's name surfaced. He was exposed as having maintained closer ties to the disgraced financier than he had previously disclosed, including continued communication after Epstein's 2008 conviction. Lutnick was also forced to admit in front of Congress that he and his family had lunch with Epstein on the financier's private Caribbean island.
No one is accusing Lutnick of criminal conduct. But in an administration that made the release of those Epstein files a priority, having a Cabinet secretary whose name appears in them is an unforced error that undermines the moral authority of the effort.
Gabbard Stays, for Now
Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard had also been rumored to be on her way out, but that appears less likely. Trump has publicly stood by her, and Ingle described her as one of the administration's "patriots." She continues to brief Trump on intelligence matters.
Earlier this week, Trump acknowledged Gabbard is "a little bit different in her thought process than me" on the question of Iran, a reference to her long-standing criticism of what she calls "regime-change wars." Gabbard ran for president as a Democrat in 2020 on a platform of non-interventionism, and that orientation hasn't fully evaporated.
A White House official told the Post that Gabbard is "safe." For now, the ideological daylight between her and the President on foreign policy is tolerated. Whether that remains the case if tensions with Iran escalate is another question entirely.
The Turnover Pattern
Trump's willingness to fire underperforming or problematic appointees is not new. In his first term, the major figures to lose their jobs included:
- FBI Director James Comey
- Secretary of State Rex Tillerson
- Attorney General Jeff Sessions
- National Security Advisor John Bolton
- White House Communications Director Anthony Scaramucci, who served for just 10 days in July 2017 and has since gone on to become a harsh Trump critic
In the second term, Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem, who served for a little over a year, was the first major firing. Bondi was the second. If Chavez-DeRemer and Lutnick follow, the pace will be brisk but the logic consistent: performance and loyalty to the mission matter more than the comfort of a Senate-confirmed title.
This is one area where Trump's management style actually aligns with what conservatives have always said they wanted from government. Accountability. If a Cabinet secretary can't execute the agenda, can't stay out of personal scandal, or can't stop contradicting the President on live television, they should be replaced. The private sector operates this way. There is no reason the executive branch shouldn't.
What Comes Next
No final decisions have been announced. But the pattern is familiar to anyone who has watched this administration operate. The leaks come first. Then the public distance. Then the departure, framed as mutual or strategic, but unmistakable in its meaning.
Chavez-DeRemer's problems are personal and institutional. Lutnick's are strategic and reputational. Both represent the kind of distraction that an administration executing an ambitious second-term agenda cannot afford. Every news cycle spent explaining away an affair allegation or an Epstein lunch is a news cycle not spent on trade, deregulation, or border security.
The President built his political brand on the phrase "You're fired." The question isn't whether he's willing to use it again. It's whether he waits too long.

