Army Secretary Dan Driscoll's abrupt departure and reports that the White House reviewed replacements for Deputy Defense Secretary Steve Feinberg have drawn bipartisan criticism of Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth's management of the Pentagon.

Driscoll submitted his resignation Tuesday after serving as Army secretary since February 2025, capping months of reported tension with Hegseth over the removal of senior military officers and concerns about military readiness. His exit added fuel to a week that saw a Republican senator publicly call for Hegseth's replacement, a Republican congressman label him ineffective on national television, and the chairman of the House Armed Services Committee tell reporters he was fed up with the instability.

By Saturday, Hegseth was in full damage-control mode. A Newsweek report detailed the cascading leadership questions after Reuters published a Friday story indicating the White House had reviewed potential replacements for Feinberg, Hegseth's deputy. Hegseth fired back on X, calling the reports "COMPLETELY false" and blaming unnamed defense contractors for planting the story.

Hegseth blames 'outside forces' for Feinberg replacement reports

Hegseth's defense of Feinberg was emphatic, and notably specific in its accusation. He wrote on X that the Pentagon "has never had a better Deputy Secretary than Steve Feinberg" and claimed defense companies wanted Feinberg gone "because he is so effective in advancing @POTUS' agenda."

In a statement emailed to Newsweek the same day, Hegseth went further:

"Steve is an incredible partner, incredible leader, and someone I am proud to serve alongside every day. He's doing a tremendous job for President Trump, for the Department, and for our warfighters. He has worked tirelessly to rebuild our Defense Industrial Base and ensure our military has everything it needs to win, and I look forward to continuing to work with him."

Hegseth added that Feinberg "has my 100 percent full support, and has since Day One" and that "the Deputy Secretary isn't going anywhere."

Feinberg had drawn attention last month when The Washington Post obtained a memo he sent to major U.S. defense contractors demanding faster production timelines and expanded capacity to replenish military stockpiles depleted during the conflict with Iran. "Years-long development cycles are not acceptable," Feinberg wrote. The memo's aggressive tone toward contractors aligns with Hegseth's claim that industry players have reason to push back against Feinberg's leadership.

Newsweek reached out to the White House for comment Saturday. No response was noted.

Driscoll praised Hegseth on the way out, but the backstory tells a different story

Driscoll's departure statement struck a gracious tone. He praised the soldiers and civilians he worked with and thanked Hegseth by name.

"Our Soldiers, Civilians, and their Families are our Nation's very best, and they have inspired me every day. We could not have made the progress we did without the support of Secretary Hegseth. I am forever grateful to President Trump for the opportunity to once again serve my country."

But the polished farewell obscured what multiple reports described as months of friction. Driscoll, a longtime ally of Vice President JD Vance, had taken on a prominent role in diplomatic efforts related to the Ukraine war and military modernization. He reportedly expressed concerns about readiness and about the removal of senior military officers before stepping down.

Sen. Mike Rounds, a South Dakota Republican, told reporters he had heard Driscoll "was frustrated with some of his top generals being released." Rounds added that the Pentagon had lost "very good generals" who were widely respected. Driscoll's resignation capped an 18-month tenure defined as much by internal clashes as by policy.

One source of that friction became public earlier this year. Hegseth ordered Driscoll to remove Col. Dave Butler, the Army's chief spokesman, from his post, a move the New York Post reported Driscoll initially resisted. The order came while Driscoll was overseas in Geneva working on Ukraine war negotiations, and Driscoll ultimately confirmed Butler's retirement after 28 years of service.

At least 20 senior defense leaders gone since Hegseth took over

Driscoll's exit was not an isolated event. As of September 2, at least 20 generals, admirals, and civilian defense leaders had been fired or departed since Hegseth became defense secretary. The list includes Joint Chiefs Chairman Gen. Charles Q. Brown Jr., Navy chief Adm. Lisa Franchetti, and Navy Secretary John Phelan.

The pace of removals accelerated in recent months. AP News reported that Hegseth ousted Army Chief of Staff Gen. Randy George, the Army's 41st chief of staff, effective immediately, with no reason given. Army Gen. David Hodne and Army Maj. Gen. William Green were fired simultaneously, also without explanation. Gen. Christopher LaNeve, a close Hegseth ally who rose from two-star general to acting Army chief in roughly two years, stepped into the role.

When pressed by the Senate Armed Services Committee for specific reasons behind George's removal, Hegseth declined to give any, citing only broad cultural change goals tied to the previous administration. George had been nominated by President Biden and confirmed in 2023, with a typical four-year term that would have run through 2027. Sen. Joni Ernst, a Republican, expressed disappointment, telling Hegseth: "I was disappointed to see that their retirements were hastened over what I believed had been set out by you and the administration."

Hegseth has also blocked Army officers from promotion to two-star general rank, part of a broader pattern that critics say has hollowed out the military's senior leadership pipeline.

Tillis calls Hegseth 'intimidated by competence'

The sharpest Republican rebuke came from Sen. Thom Tillis of North Carolina, a former member of the Senate Armed Services Committee. Tillis posted on X Wednesday that Driscoll was "the right man at the right moment" and accused Hegseth of "creating a leadership void at the top of our military ranks."

Tillis did not hold back:

"I have never witnessed more inept management of the brave men and women who serve our country."

He accused Hegseth of being "intimidated by competence" and of focusing on culture-war issues rather than national defense. His post concluded with a direct appeal to the president: "I urge the President to find a new leader at the Pentagon who will retain and empower our military talent rather than diminish it."

Rep. Don Bacon, a Nebraska Republican, echoed those concerns on CNN Wednesday night. Bacon said he agreed with Tillis's sentiments and went further, telling the network he thought Hegseth was "trouble from the beginning."

"I hate to tell the president who he should hire and fire...he would not be on my team. I think he has not been a very good leader in many ways."

Rep. Mike Rogers, the Alabama Republican who chairs the House Armed Services Committee, offered a blunter summary when he spoke to reporters Tuesday: "I'm tired of all the churn. I want to see some stability over there." Rogers did not call for Hegseth's removal, but his frustration with the revolving door at the Pentagon was plain. Predictions about Hegseth's future at the Pentagon have circulated for months, though the White House has previously pushed back on them.

Democrats push impeachment resolution, but it sits in committee

Democrats have pursued a more aggressive path. Rep. Yassamin Ansari of Arizona introduced a formal House impeachment resolution on April 15 titled "Impeaching Peter B. Hegseth, Secretary of Defense of the United States, for high crimes and misdemeanors." Thirteen other House Democrats co-sponsored the measure, which was referred to the House Judiciary Committee, where it remains.

Rep. Adelita Grijalva of Arizona said it was "past time" to impeach Hegseth. Rep. Sydney Kamlager-Dove of California said she supported impeachment "every day of the week."

The resolution has no realistic chance of advancing in a Republican-controlled House. But its existence, and the willingness of Democratic members to put their names on it, reflects the degree to which Hegseth's management style has become a political liability, one that now extends beyond the usual partisan lines. Other recent controversies, including a reversed testosterone screening policy that caused internal confusion, have compounded the perception of disorganization.

The real problem isn't partisan, it's operational

What makes this week different from prior rounds of Hegseth criticism is the source. Tillis, Bacon, Rogers, and Rounds are not anti-Trump insurgents. They are mainstream Republicans with defense credentials and committee seats. When they say the Pentagon has a leadership problem, they are speaking as members who fund the military, confirm its nominees, and oversee its readiness.

Hegseth's stated goal, clearing out Biden-era holdovers and reshaping the Pentagon's culture, is one most conservatives share. The question these Republicans are raising is whether the execution has matched the ambition. Twenty-plus senior leaders gone. An Army secretary who clashed with the defense secretary and walked. A deputy whose job security became a Friday news cycle. And a defense secretary who, by his own account, is fighting unnamed corporate forces trying to undermine his team.

A military at war with Iran cannot afford a Pentagon at war with itself. If Hegseth's restructuring is producing the stronger, leaner force the president wants, the results need to start showing, before the critics on his own side stop asking questions and start drawing conclusions.