House Oversight Committee launches probe into birth tourism companies accused of visa fraud

By Ethan Cole on
 May 15, 2026

The House Oversight Committee is demanding records from four companies it says have built profitable businesses helping foreign nationals exploit U.S. visitor visas to give birth on American soil, a practice the State Department declared improper five years ago and that President Trump moved to outlaw by executive order.

Oversight Chairman James Comer (R-KY) and Rep. Brandon Gill (R-TX), who chairs a related task force, are targeting firms in Florida, Texas, and California. The committee wants marketing materials, client counts, and fee schedules from each company, Breitbart reported.

The four named businesses are only a fraction of what lawmakers describe as more than 1,000 companies operating in the birth tourism space, an industry that caters mostly to expectant mothers from Russia and China.

The companies in the crosshairs

Have My Baby in Miami claims to serve more than 2,000 pregnant foreigners every year. International Maternity Services operates out of El Paso, Texas. Doctores Para Ti routinely posts social media ads that, according to the committee, flatly state the company is engaged in birth tourism, even using the hashtag #BirthTourism. The fourth entity under scrutiny is Dr. Athiya Javid's OB/GYN clinic in San Diego, California.

The lawmakers are ordering all four to hand over records detailing "the number of clients serviced and amount of fees collected for childbirth packages." That language comes straight from the committee's official release.

Comer and Gill framed the probe in blunt terms. In a joint statement, the congressmen said:

"The benefits of U.S. citizenship are a unique privilege."

They went further, tying the industry to a national security concern that extends well beyond immigration enforcement alone. The statement warned that "as foreign expectant mothers traveling for this purpose come predominantly from China and Russia, there are concerns that the birth tourism industry is giving rise to potential national security and election integrity threats posed by adversarial nations that challenge U.S. interests."

Election integrity has become a growing flashpoint in Washington. Federal prosecutors have already pursued cases involving noncitizens charged with illegally voting in federal elections spanning three cycles, underscoring the broader concern that gaps in the immigration system can ripple into the democratic process itself.

Visa fraud at the heart of the matter

The legal theory is straightforward. The B-2 tourist visa allows temporary visits for leisure, medical treatment, or business meetings. It does not authorize entry for the purpose of giving birth so a child obtains U.S. citizenship. The State Department made that explicit in a 2020 rule, which stated: "The Department considers birth tourism an inappropriate basis for the issuance of temporary visitor visas for the policy reasons discussed herein."

Comer and Gill added that "willfully misrepresenting one's intentions to enter the country on a temporary visitor visa is a violation of current law and considered visa fraud." In other words, a woman who tells a consular officer she is visiting Disney World, while carrying a contract with a birth tourism company, has broken the law before she ever boards a plane.

That distinction matters. The committee is not asking whether birth tourism is distasteful. It is asking whether these companies are systematically helping clients commit fraud against the United States.

Gill did not mince words in his own statement:

"It should appall every American to know that there is a thriving birth tourism economy on our soil, perpetuated by foreign nationals who undermine our sovereignty and have no regard for our rule of law."

He added: "Our task force is demanding answers from the businesses who aid and abet this threat to our national security."

Executive action stalled by the courts

The congressional probe comes as executive-branch efforts to shut down birth tourism remain in legal limbo. President Trump signed an executive order last year outlawing the practice, but a federal judge paused its implementation while a case on birthright citizenship works its way to the U.S. Supreme Court.

That judicial freeze is part of a broader pattern. Trump has publicly pushed back against courts that have slowed or blocked elements of his immigration agenda. In an NBC Meet the Press interview, he said, "I was elected to get them the h*** out of here, and the courts are holding me from doing it," referring to illegal immigrants. He argued for faster removals, saying, "We have thousands of people, some murderers, some drug dealers, and some of the worst, most dangerous people on Earth," the Washington Examiner reported.

With the executive order on ice, the House Oversight Committee's investigation represents a parallel track, one that does not depend on a single judge's ruling. Congressional subpoena power and public exposure can apply pressure that no court injunction can easily block.

The administration has also been expanding immigration enforcement into new arenas. Officials recently clarified that ICE officers would be deployed at airports to free up TSA screeners, a move that signaled the White House's willingness to use every available agency to tighten border and interior enforcement.

More than 1,000 companies, and counting

Perhaps the most striking detail in the committee's disclosure is the scale. The four companies targeted in this initial round are described as "only a few of the more than 1,000 companies" operating in the birth tourism industry. That figure suggests the problem is not a handful of rogue operators. It is a mature, commercial ecosystem with marketing budgets, social media strategies, and client pipelines stretching across multiple continents.

Doctores Para Ti's open use of the #BirthTourism hashtag on social media illustrates the brazenness. These are not underground operations. They advertise in plain sight, apparently confident that no one in government will come looking.

Have My Baby in Miami's self-reported figure of more than 2,000 clients per year, from a single company, hints at the volume of births involved. Multiply that across hundreds of similar outfits and the numbers become difficult to ignore.

The committee's statement declared simply: "Birth tourism should never be big business in the United States." The fact that it plainly is, and has been for years, raises an obvious question about how enforcement agencies allowed the industry to grow so large.

Accountability failures at the federal level have been a recurring theme in recent months. House Republicans have pressed similar questions in other domains, from backing FBI Director Kash Patel amid partisan attacks to demanding transparency from agencies that have resisted oversight.

National security, not just immigration

The committee's framing is deliberate. By emphasizing that the mothers come "predominantly from China and Russia," Comer and Gill are placing birth tourism inside a national security conversation, not just an immigration one.

A child born on U.S. soil holds American citizenship. That child can later sponsor family members for immigration. And a U.S. passport opens doors, to government employment, security clearances, and access, that a foreign national would not otherwise have. When the parents hail from nations the committee describes as "adversarial," the downstream risks compound.

None of this is speculative. It is the explicit reasoning the lawmakers laid out in their statement. Whether the Supreme Court ultimately upholds or narrows birthright citizenship, the visa fraud question stands on its own. Lying on a visa application is already illegal. The committee wants to know how many times it happened, who profited, and why no one stopped it sooner.

The broader push to hold institutions accountable has defined this Congress. Republican lawmakers have not limited their oversight to immigration; they have also challenged executive agencies on defense posture and NATO spending, signaling that no corner of the federal apparatus is off-limits.

What comes next

Several open questions remain. The committee has not disclosed a deadline for the four companies to produce records. It is unclear whether any of the named businesses have responded or retained counsel. And the broader universe of more than 1,000 birth tourism operators has not been publicly identified, leaving open the possibility of additional rounds of inquiry.

The federal judge's pause on Trump's executive order also leaves the legal landscape unsettled. Until the Supreme Court rules, the executive branch's ability to ban birth tourism outright remains frozen. That makes the congressional investigation all the more significant, it is, for now, the only live enforcement pressure on an industry that has operated openly for years.

When a company can advertise birth tourism with a hashtag, serve thousands of foreign clients a year, and face no consequences until a congressional committee sends a letter, the system has not just failed. It has been absent.

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